That Cuba will eventually undergo a transition beyond the mere replacement of Fidel Castro as the head of the Cuban state is highly likely. It as evident that under the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista Cuba was becoming a colonial state under the United States and the conclusion would have been in a similar fashion through arm struggle. This is particularly remarkable because the overwhelming majority of these generals came from the easternmost Oriente Province, where they had originally joined the rebel army. According to historian Richard E. These governments acquired a new role as faithful clients whose votes could be counted on at the United Nations and other international organizations such as the Organization of American States. For decades, public understanding of the pre-Revolutionary Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista has been limited to these stereotypes.
This was very important in allowing Fidel Castro to mold these men into faithful followers of his caudillo leadership. In his recollections, Fidel Castro indicated that his contribution to the Cuban Revolution consisted of having synthesized the ideas of José Martí with those of Marxism-Leninism. Taking advantage of recently declassified U. Ramos, Protestantism and Revolution in Cuba Coral Gables, Fla. Anderson also persuaded the British to go along with U. Student politicians were also active in the distribution of study materials to students, sometimes including pirated translations of foreign textbooks. Cold War liberalism had virtually no legitimacy in the eyes of the one public that counted the most in this context: the great majority of the Cuban people, who were being radicalized and won over by the Castro leadership.
For their part, Cuban sugar exports to the United States, controlled by U. The long-expected invasion was just now a matter of time. She further charges that Cuba's leaders failed to diversify the country's economy, to sustain development, or to create democratic institutions. Could the Cuban Revolution have taken a form that would have been acceptable to the United States? More important was the personal commitment of the populist militants, who often saw themselves as engaging in exemplary acts that would set a standard and arouse the masses to militant action. President Ramón Grau San Martín led the reform nationalists in the center.
He also did not give up on the strategy of buying time. Spain accounted for most of the remainder, with a large proportion coming from Galicia, Asturias, and the Canary Islands. However, corporations did not play a decisive role in the shaping of U. This sentiment formed part of a much more generalized attitude among the Cuban people that nothing could be done if the United States did not approve. I would not be happy with Castro solely in command. There is much that is new here, and it is a mine to which the author goes with some relish. Analyzing the crucial period of the Cuban Revolution from 1959 to 1961, Samuel Farber challenges dominant scholarly and popular views of the revolution's sources, shape, and historical trajectory.
Second only to Fidel Castro, Batista is the most controversial leader in modern Cuban history. The potential also existed for friction in connection with the relations between Washington and Moscow. Such states maintained close cultural and economic ties with the Soviet bloc and pursued a pro-Soviet foreign policy. The fact that Farber is a sharp critic of the Cuban Revolution and, even more so, of the Castro regime, in a sense adds to the value of his contribution. A successful socialist revolution in one or more developed countries would in turn help the Russian revolutionaries in the economic development of their country. Yet participation in state-orchestrated spectacles quickly became a requirement for political inclusion in a new Cuba that policed most forms of dissent.
Saivetz and Sylvia Woodby, Soviet—Third World Relations Boulder, Colo. Nevertheless, Castro and the other rebel leaders eventually came face to face with the tremendous U. American corporations are not as interested in the possibility of investing in Cuba as they are, for example, in China. In addition to questionable statements e. Le Riverend, Historia Económica de Cuba n. Antonio Guiteras, the nationalist and socialist minister of the interior, led the Left as the most radical member of the cabinet.
I thank historian Louis A. The social revolutionaries were instead aiming at the abolition of classes, which would eliminate national borders. As a result, the expectations for consumption may rise faster than the means to satisfy them if viewed not from the perspective of the potential productivity and ability of the world economy as a whole to satisfy these expectations but from the perspective of a world divided between have and have-not nation states. While this legislative concession made perfect sense from a humanistic and working-class point of view, it violated the logic of the capitalist marketplace. This 232 page paperback is a wonderful piece of text and can be regarded as a most important input to the pasture of Cuban learning. Moreover, the rural proletariat grew, and its members had no option but to sell their labor power to the sugar mills when they were hiring.
The rightists opposed any move in that direction. . They are not, however, without noticeable shortcomings. Yet a narrower sectoral approach had not totally disappeared. Ideal for advanced undergraduate and graduate courses in Latin American history and politics, The Cuban Revolution offers students fresh insights into the successes and failures of the Cuban Revolution.